The letters page
has now been upgraded to include 'work in progress'. This section is intended
to allow scholars in the early stages of research and research students
formulating ideas, publicise their work and obtain feedback. Work in this
section can be less focused and finished than regular articles and reviews
and is not refereed, although we will, where possible, be happy to provide
advice and comments from the editors or members of the editorial board.
Work in Progress
will normally remain on this page for 6-12 months to enable response and
feedback. It will not normally be archived.
(In)visible England: Mediating Ethno-Cultural Diversity through Tourism
William G Feighey
is currently completing a PhD in Tourism Studies at the University of
This work in progress paper reports the first phase of a study which critically
examines the representation of ethno-cultural diversity in the projection
of England and Englisheness through tourism.
Recent debates regarding the future development of multi-cultural, multi-ethnic
societies within western Europe have focused attention on the role of
public institutions in privileging dominant groups, while subjugating
or silencing others. In the United Kingdom, such debates have resulted
in claims of institutionalised racism. In most west European
countries, publicly funded Official Tourism Organisations (OTOs) hold
a privileged position in projecting the national identity(s)
of any given territory to the world. This exploratory paper (part of an
ongoing study) considers the role of OTOs in communicating the ethno-cultural
diversity of contemporary English society. Specifically, this study focuses
on the representation of the ethno-cultural diversity in the promotional
discourse of OTOs in England. Through an analysis of selected textual
material it examines the representation of ethno-cultural diversity in
the projection of England and Englishness in and through tourism.
Early emerging findings suggest that the representation of ethnic groups
in OTO discourse is at best marginal, and reflects deeper patterns of
political and institutional exclusion of minority culture
and identity, thus highlighting the need for further critical analysis
of such discourse in relation to all ethnic groups, seen and unseen.
Representation in and through tourism may be regarded as a neutral process
which depicts the reality of people, places and culture for
the gaze of leisure consumers. When viewed critically however, representation
in tourism can be seen as perpetuating ideologies of production and consumption
and reinforcing dominant ideas though discourses of the market.
Few in tourism studies have focused directly and critically on the cultural
terrain of representation in tourism. Thus, critical analysis needs to
situate tourism representations politically in terms of inclusion and
exclusion, individual and institutional interests, as well as in relation
to the political linkages between tourism discourse and ideology.
This study focuses on the representation, in and through tourism, of ethno-cultural
diversity within a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic west European nation,
in this case England. Therefore, the study moves away from research which
focuses on the representation of remote and authentic
Others (predominantly conducted by European and North American scholars),
and redirects the focus to envision representation across the shifting
terrain of interstitial/ intervallic spaces (Bhabha, 1994: 2-4; Hollinshead,
1998: 67) between self and other, thereby suggesting
that tourism studies scholars and industry practitioners might
fruitfully re-examine those natural everyday projections of
who we are.
The construction of English national identity has in recent decades received
the attention of numerous scholars (Seaton-Watson 1977, 1979; Collis and
Dodd 1986; Hall 1995; Moore 1995; Collins 1998; Davey 1999; Langlands
1999; Hickman 2000), an attention which Gervais (1993) refers to as the
autopsy of England. These probing investigations of the mythical
body of England have extended to encompass most sections of the public
and private sphere. In a variety of ways these debates contest, explore,
address and are informed by the notion of Englishness. Much
of the current debate on Englishness and English national identity is
relational, both internally and externally. On the one hand
the debate is concerned with Englands perceived relationship with
Europe and North America, and perhaps more importantly, with Englands
future role within a devolving United Kingdom. On the other hand, the
debate is concerned with the multi-cultural, multi-ethnic nature of contemporary
England, versus the mythology of a national ethnic decent
and common ancestry. Representation of England, in and through tourism,
constitutes, and is constituted by, latent and explicit notions of national,
ethnic, and cultural origin/belonging. Tourism is implicated in wider
debates which struggle to confront the increasingly ephemeral nature of
contemporary English identities and affinities which are progressively
premised on the recognition of difference and transition. This study enters
these debates by examining the representation of ethno-cultural diversity
in the projection of England and Englishness by OTOs in England.
Representation always operates within discursive fields and is usually
focused around what might be broadly termed institutions of thought and
understanding (Duncan, 1993:233). Specifically, the current study focuses
on the representation of ethno-cultural diversity in the discourse of
OTOs in England. The study is concerned with questions regarding the various
ways in which England is conceivably represented to the world in and through
the discourse of tourism and (within the context of multi-cultural, multi-ethnic
England) with examining whose identities are privileged and/or subjugated
or silenced by those agents of OTO discourse and praxis. Representations
of England as a site of consumption for tourists (DCMS 1999: 39) are constructed
by agents of normalcy (Morris & Patton, 1979: 52, after
Foucault) who may be unknowingly implicated in a web of circumstances
economic, social, cultural, environmental and political
which conceivably impose, to varying degrees, the dominant ideas and prevailing
practices associated with any given milieu. Through the analysis of various
communicative events (for example, travel features, press releases) the
current study engages with classical questions of who says (and
does) what, to whom, how, why and with what effect? (Babbie, 1995:
306-307). In addressing these questions with reference to the projection
of England and Englishness in tourism, the current study takes a critical
approach to the analysis of OTO discourse within a framework of interpretative
research. Research aims and objectives
This study is concerned with the representation of ethno-cultural diversity
within the discourse of OTOs which act to represent England and Englishness
to the world. Specifically, the research investigation aims to critically
examine the representation of Ethno-cultural diversity in the construction
and projection of England in and through tourism. Representation through
the discourse of OTOs may, potentially, bind insignificant everyday communications
into reference points which anchor meaning about any given locale. These
shared meanings may also be unknowingly influenced by numerous everyday
nuances in the discourse of OTOs. A primary objective of the current study
is to illuminate the privileges and denials of ethno-cultural identity,
which conceivably exist in the projection of England as a tourist destination.
Hence, it is imperative that this study examines those discursive formations,
which constitute official representations of England through tourism.
Therefore, the objectives of this study are to:
of England within the contemporary articulations of certain official
tourism organisations in the United Kingdom, in order to
possible structures of dominance and suppression in the projection
of England and Englishness in and through tourism, and to critique
the degree to which England is (or is not) being genuinely
depicted as a diverse ethno-cultural place, in order to
enhance current knowledge regarding the significance of ethno-cultural
diversity in the discourse and praxis of those particular official
tourism organisations in England.
In addressing these
issues the research investigation will critically examine discourses of
four sample OTOs. These consist of two national bodies engaged
in producing England as a tourism product, namely the British
Tourist Authority (BTA) and, the English Tourism Council (ETC). At regional
level two Regional Tourism Organisations (RTOs), the London Tourist Board
(LTB (a non-statutory body)) and the Heart of England Tourist Board (HoETB)
are included in the study. The study aims to contribute to extant research
on institutional discourse and praxis in the field of tourism studies
in particular, as well as to the overall body of work on institutional
systems of governance.
This research study proceeds from a presumed link between representation
and meaning, whereby the former influences (even makes) the latter. (Hall,
1997: 15) Tourism is a subject fundamentally concerned with perceptions
of image and identity (Richter, 1995: 81), yet research focusing on the
role of representation in tourism has to a large extent examined these
projective practices in terms of their contribution to the development
and marketing of destinations (Crompton, 1979; Gunn, 1988; Kotler et al,
1994), and to a lesser extent, in terms of the host-guest encounter. (Albers
& James, 1983, 1988; Selwyn, 1994; Dann, 1996a) Within tourism studies,
researchers have drawn on insights from anthropology (Selwyn 1996; Crick
1989); marketing (Morgan & Pritchard, 1999a); sociology (Cohen, 1972,
1979) linguistics (Dann, 1996a) and cultural studies (Hollinshead, 1993,
1996). Representation in and through tourism has been examined by a number
of authors and through a variety of media including: photographs, (Albers
& James, 1983, 1988); tourist art, (Cohen, 1993); brochures, (Uzzell,
1984; Weightman, 1987; Quinn, 1994; Selwyn, 1994; Morgan & Pritchard,
1995, 1996; Dann, 1996b; Echtner, 2000; Henderson, 2001); postcards, (Edwards,
1996; Markwick 2001); and travelogues, (Dann, 1992, 1996; Wilson, 1994;
Zepple, 1999). Scholars working across the borders of tourism
studies have begun to provide a more critical inspection of tourism in
terms of the inscriptive and enunciative potentials of tourism (Fjellman,
1992; Buck, 1993; Lidchi, 1997; Kirschenblatt-Gimblett, 1998). Much of
this research has focused on aspects of representation within/of 'developing
nations or traditional peoples'. There is a paucity of research
on the representation of ethno-cultural diversity in developed
nations with multi-ethnic populations.
The current study, in contrast, examines the representation of ethno-cultural
diversity in the discourse of institutions responsible for the projection
of an ethno-culturally diverse developed society, in this
case England. It is not a study of ethnic or racial
groups, or minorities per se. It is an investigation of the
role of publicly funded tourism organisations in projecting ethno-cultural
identity and focuses on the power relations underpinning the production
and distribution of explicit discursive events. The study raises questions
relating to the ways OTOs may conceivably highlight, appropriate, institutionalise,
or deny ethno-cultural diversity when projecting England and English heritage
and identity in and through tourism.
Focus of the research
Representation may be regarded as being historically and culturally specific,
and can be regarded as a product of a particular culture and history which
is socially constructed. (Mitchell, 1990; Hall, 1997) Representation is
negotiated through social processes and therefore offers numerous
possible interpretations which both sustain and exclude. Representation
can be defined as the production of meaning through language, discourse
and image (Hall, 1997) and is a 'key moment' in what has been called the
'circuit of culture'. (de Gay, Hall et al., 1997. Through the language
(signs, symbols) of representation, tourism promoters project concepts,
ideas and feelings to an audience who share a common access to language.
In 'social constructionist approaches representation is conceived
as entering into the very constitution of things; and thus culture is
conceptualised as a primary or 'constitutive' process, as important as
the economic material 'phase' in shaping social subjects and historical
events not merely a reflection of the world after the event. (Hall,
In tourism, the representation of peoples, places and pasts seem to be
predominantly market-driven, they are predicated on the perceived fantasies
of potential tourists in tourist generating areas. However, such fantasies
may be seen as an expression of peoples pre-understandings which
are conceivably evoked by tourism producers and agents of mediation in
the process of commodification through tourism. In projections of developing
destinations representations are often concerned with projecting images
of unspoiled, authentic, primitive
or exotic locations in order to cater to certain pre-existing
images in Western consciousness about how the Other is imagined
to be (Silver, 1993: 303). In destinations such as England, the
representation of the Western self in tourism rely on fantasies
of continuity and myths of ethnic origin. These ancestral and foundational
myths, which were widespread in Africa and Asia from early times, were
forged in Europe during the eighteenth century when most of Western
Europe was caught in a romantic quest for origins. (Smith, 1999:
60) When discussing tourism in the third world, Silver makes
the point that most natives are positionally unable to affect how
images of authenticity (sic) are constructed and marketed
the operators and their agents who continuously redefine and reconstruct
notions of authentic culture. (Silver, 1993: 316) Similarly,
in UK contexts it can be argued that in England individual subjects (citizens)
may have little influence on the representations projected to portray
Englishness or English identity, despite the fact that those charged with
such projective practices operate within the prevailing system of representative
Meanings in tourism, like meanings everywhere, are grounded in relations
of power, who represents what, whom and how are critical and often contested
issues. (Morgan & Pritchard, 1999a: 36) Thus, the mediation of local,
regional or national identity and culture is inexorably implicated in
political and ideological structures and processes within the nation state.
Hence, state interest in tourism can be regarded as much political and
ideological as it is economic. As Long (1989, 1997) argues, a natural
affinity exists between the nation state and tourism in terms of a shared
interest in representing a place as unique and attractive. Furthermore,
touristic rhetoric is often utilised as a strategy for ethnic acceptance
and inclusion (Wood, 1998: 234) on the one hand, and for the exclusion
of minority cultures through absence or silence, on the other.
The projection of sub-national and national identity and culture is increasingly
communicated, within and across national frontiers, through tourism related
discourse (Swain, 2002: 11). Yet, as Morgan and Pritchard (1999a) remind
us, one-dimensional representations of national identities are increasingly
unrepresentative of most contemporary societies, particularly as previously
powerless ethnic minorities (sic) grow in economic, cultural and political
influence. (Morgan & Pritchard, 1999a:96) Preliminary research
for the current study suggests that representations of ethno-cultural
diversity in the discourse of OTOs in England is predominantly driven
be the demands of the tourism generating areas as they desire the reflection
of the self in promotional material. Representation in tourism draws on
pre-existing collective memory in the process of selecting and projecting
what should be experienced in any given setting. (Hollinshead,
1993) Thus, it is crucial to recognise that just as knowledge is never
neutral (all knowledge is derived from looking at the world from some
perspective or other), so representation in and through tourism is the
product of individuals and groups who themselves are products of particular
societies and social groups. As Hall points out, we all come from
and speak from somewhere, we all have different routes into modernity,
we are all located and, in that sense, even the most
modern bears the traces of a cultural identity and cannot be without it.
(Hall, 2001: 15) Thus, those agents of normalcy consciously
and unconsciously implicated in the promotion of England through tourism
are inexorably subject to those relations of power-knowledge which as
Foucault reminds us are defused throughout the social body.
This study examines the representation of England and Englishness within
contemporary articulations of OTOs in England, and seeks to uncover possible
structures of dominance and suppression in the projection of England and
Englishness in and through tourism, as well as to critique the degree
to which England is being genuinely depicted as a diverse ethno-cultural
place. In seeking to gain insight which may inform these research questions,
this study will analyse the networks of text and talk which articulate
the link between representation and power in the discourses of tourism.
The given or found signification used to portray and promote national,
regional or community culture in and through tourism is not disinterested
or politically neutral, but can be viewed as an inexorable part of the
social processes of domination and control which conceivably privilege
some and subjugate or silence others. Several authors address questions
of power in the context of representation in and through tourism. Owens
(1992) argues that representation is the founding act of power in our
culture (Owens, 1992: 91). Bond and Gilliam (1994) remind us that representing
the past and the way of life of populations is an expression and a source
of power. (Bond & Gilliam, 1994: 1) Hollinshead draws our attention
to the historical specificity of representation and suggests that all
representations of culture that is, each and every projection and
delineation of race (sic)/ ethnicity/ nationhood in tourism is
saturated with power, and that such representations of culture should
increasingly be seen as historically constituted depictions rather than
ontologically given accounts. (Hollinshead 1998: 51) Contemporary discussions
of power in the context of tourism are informed by Foucauldian thought
(Hollinshead, 1999; Morgan & Pritchard, 1999a; Cheong & Miller,
2000) and the current author has sought to deploy Foucault's work in developing
this research. Within prevailing resource constraints (human and temporal)
the current study strives to uncover the conscious and unconscious formation
of such projected reality, even if such representations are seen by members
of potential out-groups as natural and legitimate.
The study seeks to infuse the emergent tourism studies literature with
insights derived from Foucauldian thought, operationalised through a methodological
approach informed by Fairclough (1992, 1995), as well as from the already
vibrant literature in cultural studies, including the work of Bhabha (1994)
and Hall (1997a). These authors constitute some of the key commentators
who are encountered in any investigation of representation.
Context of the study
This research study is set against a background of increasing individual
and institutional awareness of, and concern for, the future of multi-cultural,
multi-ethnic England. (Denman, 2001; Phillips, 2001) England at the dawn
of the twenty-first century is a multicultural society (Roach & Morrison,
1999) and such diversity is officially recognised through numerous laws
and public policy statements and by political leaders. It is estimated
that by 2015, 40% of the youth population of London and Birmingham will
comprise of people whose ethnic background is Afro-Caribbean,
or Asian. (Dyke, 2000) Aspinall estimates that by 2011 28%
of Londons population or just under two million persons will belong
to ethnic minority (sic) groups, compared with 20% or 1.4 million in 1991,
an increase of 40% or around 570,000 persons. It is also estimated that
by 2011 two London boroughs will have ethnic minority (sic) communities
comprising over 50% of their population Newham (61%) and Brent
(52%). (Aspinall, 2000:110) Other metropolitan areas are likely to witness
similar population changes over the coming decade. Despite the apparent
reality of ethno-cultural diversity, debates about ethnicity,
racial and cultural diversity often provoke strong reactions
from those concerned with such issues. The current study commenced in
2000, a year in which highly contested debates regarding race,
asylum and national identity were ubiquitous in all forms of public culture
in England. (Great Britain, Parliament, 2001) According to Solomos, almost
everybody is talking about the role of racial and ethnic categorization
in the construction of social and political identities. (Solomos,
2001: 198) Ethnic minority (sic) groups with, in fact, very different
histories, traditions and identities have been marginalised in British
culture as a consequence of a set of quite specific political and cultural
practices which regulate, govern and normalise the representations
and discursive spaces of English society. (Hall, (1988:266) Ethnic representation
may support an authorised version of an national past that promotes dominant
groups and marginalises others. Within the current epoch the
tourism industry plays a key role in communicating symbolic representations
both within cultures, as well as to opposing or Other cultures.
Significance of the study
This study seeks to inform the ongoing debate on the representation of
ethno-cultural diversity in multi-ethnic England (Kidd, 1999; Roach &
Morrison, 1999), and potentially, will contribute to institutional and
public policy formation in relation to tourism, as well as to the diverse
communities whom such policy normally seeks to serve. The current study
is particularly significant in the context of recent UK Government legislation
concerning the duty of public servants to connect with all the people
they serve consulting and working in partnership with all communities,
all races (sic), nationalities and socio-economic groups (Race Relations
Act 1976: Statutory Duties Order, 2001). This research study seeks to
provide insights into the representation of England and Englishness in
and through tourism, who may have a dominant influence, what ideological
or political discourse underpins such production, and how
such representational discourse is implicated in individual and collective
praxis of remembering and forgetting. Such investigations would constitute
an examination of the mobilisation of power through the critique of discursive
events within broader discursive formations of tourism.
Inbound tourism contributes over sixty four billion pounds to the UK economy
annually (DCMS, 2001), and this, the economic aspects of the tourist trade,
has been the primary focus of tourism research in the UK. While there
have been studies concerned with socio-cultural aspects of tourism in
the UK (Winter, 1987; Morgan & Pritchard, 1999b; Jones, 2000; Shaw
& Macleod, 2000), none of these studies have examined tourism in relation
to the ethno-cultural diversity of contemporary English society, nor indeed
UK society in general. Tourism is to large a large extent founded on the
representation of peoples, places and pasts (Hollinshead, 1993): therefore,
in tourism, the representations projected to potential tourists can be
regarded as being a key communicator of local identity and
culture. Such representations carry resonance not only for potential tourists,
but also for local residence who constitute one of the audiences for such
discourse. Because of the communicative power of tourism, representations
of tourist destinations have direct and potentially significant influences
on those peoples/communities who are being represented, re-represented,
and misrepresented, as well as for those who are absent from such representation.
In multi-ethnic England issues of social inclusion/exclusion are regarded
by national and local government and other public institutions as being
highly relevant to the continued social and economic development of the
nation. Therefore, the current study of the representation
of ethno-cultural diversity in the discourse of OTOs in England is required
in order to explore potential discursive reproductions of dominance by
OTOs, through the articulation of institutionalised public
discourse of tourism.
Mankind, for many philosophers both ancient and modern, is a representational
animal, homo symbolicum, the creature whose distinctive character
is the creation and manipulation of signs things that stand
for or take the place of something else. (Mitchell,
1990: 11) Throughout the development of social theory, many scholars strove
to produce a neutral, transparent representation of the world based on
empiricist understandings of truth. More recently representation
(of people, places, and cultures) has come to be regarded as a form of
power circulating within and between social groups. Jackson (1992) suggests
that recent years have witnessed some significant challenges to
this virtual hegemony in the power of representation, with (for instance)
the development of history-from-below, feminist critiques of masculinist
forms of knowledge, and the growing realisation of a crisis of representation
throughout the human sciences. (Jackson, 1992: 115-117) These challenges
have emerged primarily from postmodernist perspectives on the one hand,
and from interpretative methodologies on the other. Under postmodernity,
representation becomes a new area of comodification (Jameson, 1991) where
images, styles and representations are no longer just promotional accessories
but conceivably the products themselves. (Connor, 1989: 46) At this millennium
moment, representation seems to be assuming an increasingly important
space in the social and cultural sphere.
This research study is informed by Foucauldian perspectives on subjugated
knowledge which have, over recent decades, had a major influence on all
domains of social theory. Foucault is generally interested in the way
that people within organisations/ communities/ epochs of the Western world
regulated themselves, and have been regulated, through the force of the
established power-knowledge of that setting. (Foucault, 1980) The objective
(of Foucauldian thought) has been a re-discovery of subjugated knowledge,
not the construction of bodied of systematizing theory. (Smart,
1995: 16) In this study and in the social constructionist tradition generally,
meanings are seen as being constructed through language as a 'tool for
action'. Furthermore, in the current study critical discourse analysis
(see part two, below), is deployed in an attempt to meet critical calls
regarding the discursive power of representation in tourism. Thus, the
study seeks to achieve a productive fit between social theory and the
turn to language in critical approaches to methodology.
Research design and methodology
During the context setting stage, this study utilises quantitative
and content analytic methods in order to provide baseline information
and to place the study in the context of recent OTO projective practices.
Primarily however, this study adheres to the analytic paradigm of Critical
Discourse Analysis (CDA). More specifically, this study draws substantively
on a three-dimensional approach to discourse developed by Fairclough (1989,
1992, 1995) who was heavily influenced by critical linguistics
(for example, Hodge & Kress, 1993), which focuses on the links between
grammatical structure and the social contexts in which language is used,
and its implication with power. In developing his approach Fairclough
draws on the work of Foucault for its contribution to social theory. For
example, Foucaults work on the relationship between discourse and
power-knowledge, the discursive construction of social subjects and knowledge,
and the role of discourse in social change. These are areas in where linguistically-oriented
approaches are weak and underdeveloped. (Fairclough, 1992: 38)
The three-dimensional approach to discourse in this study is concerned
with language (written and spoken) in use, and focuses on
discourse as text, discourse practice, and social practice. CDA is interested
in a very general way in dominance and power relationships between social
entities and classes, between women and men, between and amongst national,
ethnic, religious, sexual, political, cultural and sub-cultural groups.
Its point of departure is always the assumption that inequality and injustice
are repeatedly reproduced in language and legitimised by it. (Titscher,
et al, 2000: 164) From their inception, CDA approaches have had a political
project. The intention has been to bring a system of excessive inequalities
of power into crisis by uncovering its workings and its effects through
the analysis of potent cultural objects texts and thereby
to help in achieving a more equitable social order. (Kress, 1996: 15)
Some scholars (for example, Jaworski & Coupland, 1999: 33) question
why CDA needs to be distinguished as a separate tradition. A partial answer
to this question lies in the perceived need of critical discourse analysts
to distance themselves from the kind of descriptivism espoused by early
approaches. (Sinclair & Coulthard, 1976) CDA is concerned with discourse
as an instrument of social construction, therefore they are politically
engaged. CDA should not be regarded as a homogeneous method or set of
methods. CDA is a term that is most often used to identify a set of perspectives
that emphasize the relations between language and power and the role of
discourse analysis in social and cultural critique. (Wood & Kroger,
From a general CDA orientation, all claims to truth
are regarded as suspect and all attempts at representation are in essence
polysemic. Discourse analysis in the context of the present study, the
representation of ethno-cultural diversity in the discourse of OTOs in
England, should be regarded as an interpretative approach to research,
rather than a method or set of techniques. While the terms discourse
and discourse analysis are highly contested (Gill, 2000: 173),
this research study takes up a position which in addition to analysing
the content of texts, focuses on the gaps, absences and silences
in the text, in terms of inclusion and exclusion.
The approach adopted in this study the representation of ethno-cultural
diversity in the discourse of OTOs in England sees any instance of discourse
as simultaneously a piece of text (written or spoken language),
an instance of discursive practice, and an instance of social
practice. However, the methodology deployed in this study is also
informed by Foucauldian insights on discourse, for example the relationship
between discourse and power-knowledge, the construction of social subjects
and knowledge, and the implication of discourse in social change. Fairclough
(1992: 38) observes that much of Foucaults work was concerned with
specific discourses (medicine, psychiatry, economics) and the conditions
of possibility (Robin, 1973:83) of discourse. However, textually
oriented discourse analysis, such as that adhered to in this study, is
principally concerned with any sort of discourse.
In this study the focus of interest is the representation of England by
those official tourism institutions/organisations who act to project England
as a sight of consumption for tourists. Thus, of the methods of sampling
available in the literature, purposive (theoretical) sampling in terms
of deliberately chosen sites, persons, and documents appear to be most
suitable for the current study of the representation of ethno-cultural
diversity in the discourse of OTOs in England. Therefore, various BTA/ETC/RTB
published materials have been selected as appropriate sources of data.
Likewise, interviews with selected individuals within the BTA/ETC/RTBs
responsible for, or implicated in, the production of such institutional
discourse can be regarded as appropriate within a purposive sampling framework.
Within the conduct of purposive sampling, one of the key points is that
the entire sample is not nominated in advance because it cannot be normally/readily
known in advance. Rather; the sample selection remains open to adjustment
as new sources of relevant material are identified in the ongoing process
of the research. As the research unfolds other sources of data believed
to be relevant to the study of representation within the discourse of
OTOs will be identified by the researcher and included in the sample frame.
Approaches to analysis
It is generally acknowledged that the conduct of discourse analysis requires
a particular orientation to text, a frame of mind which allows the researcher
to contemplate what might be involved in the analysis prior to any engagement
with the data to be analysed. (Wood & Kroger, 2000: 91-116)
This has led some to conclude that such forms of analysis are loose and
undisciplined. (Wood & Kroger, 2000: 91-116) However, such processes
of contemplation are necessary if the analyst is to approach the task
with an open mind and to examine the discourse creatively and to entertain
multiple possibilities. In the conduct of CDA there is no necessary sequence
of analytic activities. Wood and Kroger (2000: 96) assert that, because
analysis involves recycling and iteration, there is no necessity to begin
analysis at the beginning of the data set, to consider any or all of the
smaller segments before examining the larger sections or even the discourse
as a whole, to carry out all the activities for units of any particular
size, or to focus the analysis on any particular level. Analysis
moves over and across the data in examining the focus of the discourse
in a recursive or iterative fashion and the analysis is always provisional.
Van Dijk (2000) reminds us that decades of specialisations in the field
have discovered many hundreds, if not thousands, of relevant
units, levels, dimensions, moves, strategies, types of acts, devices and
other structures of discourse. Hence, there is no such thing as a complete
discourse analysis: a full analysis of a short passage might
take months and fill hundreds of pages. Complete discourse analysis of
a large corps of text or talk, as we often have in CDA research, is therefore
out of the question. (Van Dijk, 2000: 5) As has been outlined above, CDA
utilises a combination of methods of analysis. In the current study there
is no pre-ordained definitive unit of analysis. Wood and Kroger
(2000: 98) suggest that in any particular instance a unit of analysis
can be regarded as the smallest workable chunk that you can
do something with, and that the analyst should be guided by the purpose
of the research. Overall, the importance of working with manageable
segments of data is recognised.
Methods of analysis
The three-dimensional framework adopted in this study (text, discourse
practice, and social practice) forms an important principle for CDA that
analysis of texts should not be artificially isolated from analysis of
institutional and discursive practices within which text are embedded.
In relation to the present study such awareness means that in analysing
the discourse of OTOs one should also have regard to the diverse ways
texts may be interpreted. The current study will combine the analysis
of text with an analysis of the processes of text production and distribution.
This aspect of the CDA approach has been initiated by conducting textual
analysis in conjunction with interviewing those individuals responsible
for producing and distributing such texts within the institutional setting.
In this way the study fulfils the need to bring close textual analysis
together with social analysis of organisational routines for producing
and distributing texts. (Fairclough, 1995: 9) Figure 1 outlines
the analytic process carried out for each dimension within the approach.
Research to date and emerging findings
Work completed during the initial stage of the study can be grouped under
three broad headings: draft chapters, context setting,
and textual analysis. To date, drafts of three thesis chapters
have been written. Chapter One (Introduction) sets out the broad context
within which the study takes place and introduces the overall approach
to the research problem. Chapter Two (Literature Review) provides
a review of relevant literature through an examination of various concepts
which inform the study. Chapter Three (Methodology) sets out a detailed
account of the methodological approach taken in the study. Work completed
in these early (draft) chapters contributes to the evolution of the study,
as well as informing the two main sections of this report outlined below.
The context setting stage seeks to provide baseline information on the
operational context of the various OTO in England. In addition, this stage
sought to review the projective practice (ie, the promotional
output) of the BTA during recent decades in order to underpin the study
with relevant data over a sustained period. This stage also includes a
number of interviews with selected individuals within the BTA. These can
be regarded as pilot interviews carried out in preparation
for the main interviews series to be conducted with selected individuals
within the OTOs during the final stage of the study. Although both the
pilot and main interviews will be transcribed and analysed as texts,
the pilot interviews provided useful contextualising data which informs
the emerging finding. Stage two textual analysis, focuses on the critical
analysis of various OTO texts.
Preliminary investigations reveal that there are numerous sources of OTO
discourse available to researchers. These comprise, for example: Promotional
Brochures, Promotional Film and Video, CD ROMs, Web Sites, Information
Leaflets, Press Releases, Travel Features, Minutes of Board Meetings,
Annual Reports and Trade Targeted Information. In terms of fit
with the objectives of the study it was decided that a mixture of texts,
some specifically produced for consumption by tourists (or potential tourists)
and others concerned with the functioning of the particular tourist organisations
(OTOs) within the prevailing structures of governance, would be appropriate
as an initial sample. Sections one, context setting and section two textual
analysis, below provides comment on the specific texts initially
In England there are ten regional tourism boards (RTBs) each responsible
for promoting tourism within a designated region. At national
level the English Tourism Council (ETC) is the strategic body for tourism
in England. At the United Kingdom level the British Tourist
Authority (BTA) is responsible for marketing Britain abroad.
This is the context within the OTOs included in this study operate. It
was decided that the BTA, as the overall body responsible for promoting
Britain (and by implication, England) abroad, and the ETC,
as the strategic body responsible for tourism in England, would be included
in the study. At regional level, the Heart of England Tourist Board (HoETB),
and the London Tourist Board (LTB) were selected for inclusion in the
study, as these RTBs represented regions of large population density and
ethno-cultural diversity. Following initial discussions with BTA staff
regarding BTA promotional brochures, it was decided to compile an inventory
of BTA promotional (printed) material held at the British Library (this
material is held under batch numbers and items are not catalogued
individually by the British Library, hence the need to compile an inventory).
Such an inventory would, it was felt, provide a contextual backcloth of
the representation of people, places and pasts through BTA promotional
activities over a sustained period (1953 to 2000). The inventory recorded
the title, description of the front cover image, focus (ie, specialist
or generalist) of each brochure, number of pages, number of photo images,
and description (ie, A4, A5, etc) of each brochure. In addition, any images
containing representations of people from the so called visible
communities (Alibhai-Brown, 2001) were recorded.
The content of two aspects of the brochures were analyses,
namely brochure titles and the descriptions of front
cover images, in order to provide data on the cultural resources
fore-grounded by the BTA over recent decades. In all 1137 brochures were
recorded in the inventory. A content analysis of brochure titles revealed
that a high proportion of BTA brochures focused on heritage attractions
(castles being the dominant theme). Individuals with the BTA responsible
for constructing promotional material regard cultural resources such as
the historic built environment as one of the primary and foundational
themes within their projective practice. In descriptions of brochure front
covers, people were predominantly represented by men,
with children being the second most frequent category of people
represented. The representation of women in brochure front covers was
relatively low with only one quarter the frequency of that of men. Overall
in terms of ethno-cultural diversity these aspects (title and descriptions
of cover image) of BTA brochures represent rather homogenous views of
England. In all 1137 brochures included in the inventory only two images
could be identified as representing members of the visible communities.
In this limited range of inspected brochure elements there seems to be
few instances where the ethno-cultural diversity of England is mediated
through such discursive events.
Although this study does not extend to the analysis of image (ie, brochure
and web-based photographs) content, the study does intend to investigate
the structures and relationships of institutional power which are conceivably
implicated in the production and distribution of such texts.
Therefore, during the initial context setting stage of the
study a quantitative analysis of the BTA Image Resource Centre (Britain
on View) was carried out. The BTA archive was searched electronically
using a range of keywords, such as for example African,
Asian, Chinese, Ethnic. The rationale
for selecting particular keywords was that these signifiers
were employed to describe members of various ethnically distinct populations
(the so-called visible communities (Alibhai-Brown, 2001) in
the 1991 UK census. This method of analysis resulted in a range of photo-images
being identified within each keyword segment. For example
the term Asian resulted in sixty one images being identified;
using the term African produced two images; Chinese
twenty three images; and South Asian one image. It is recognised
that such analysis is dependent to the description given to
each image as they are added to the archive, therefore such analysis may
be regarded as indicative rather than conclusive. The most
striking feature of this preliminary analysis of the BTA archive is the
almost total absence of the so-called visible communities
from representations of England projected by the BTA. Of the 200,000 images
in the BTA image resource archive, the representation of the visible
communities is minuscule (Asian, 0.03%, Chinese,
0.01%). Furthermore, representation of ethnic groups, as defined
in the 1991 census, are predominantly those of visitors to England, rather
than representations of these ethnic groups as part of the home
The analysis of BTA brochure images also resulted in an extremely low
level of representation with a total of only two images representing members
of the visible communities within these categories. Those
representations which were identified were contained within recent brochure
publications. Therefore, there may be some evidence of increasing inclusion
of ethno-culturally diversity in representations of England projected
by the BTA. Representations within the image resource archive are not
dated, therefore it is not possible to easily establish the year of publication
within this segment.
During preliminary interviews with a member of the editorial staff at
the BTA it became apparent that the organisation is aware of the paucity
of images of ethnic minorities in their promotional material.
Interestingly, such awareness stems from research carried out in the overseas
tourism generating areas (i.e. tourists desire to see themselves in the
projected images of England) rather than from a desire by the BTA to represent
the ethno-cultural diversity of the home communities. While
being interviewed for this study, one official at the BTA commenting on
the absence of images of ethnic minorities in BTA promotional
material, suggested that one of the difficulties they (the BTA) faced
in this regard was the unwillingness of members of such groups
to allow themselves to be photographed. Such positions are closely related
to Gramscis theory of hegemony and in particular to his concept
of spontaneous consent. The problem (lack of photographic
representations) is located within the minority population
itself and the dominant group make compromises (in this case
refrain from taking photographs) to the dominated group, which in fact
do noting to disrupt the hegemony of the dominators.
From the foregoing contextualising investigations it was decided, initially,
to select three separate types of textual material for critical
analysis (Table 1). These were a series of travel features produced by
the BTA under the title British Features (BF), press releases
(PR) produced by the BTA, ETC, HoETB and LTB, and Web Based Text (WBT)
produced by all four organisations. These, it was felt would provide a
broad spectrum of discursive events for analysis across the four organisations.
However, the research design enables other emergent and relevant sources
of data to be included in the data set as the study unfolds.Of particular
interest in this study, and in CDA in general, is the position or positions
of the text producer. This aspect of text production has been approached
by deconstructing the producer of texts into various positions
(Goffman, 1981: 144); for example, the author (the person
who communicates through a shared medium ie, written text) and
the principal, the person or entity whose position is represented
by the words (for example, the individual or institution who provides
the content or directs such communication). In this study the author may
be an individual or group of individuals within the OTO concerned, but
the principal may be the institution itself, a Government department,
or the collective interests of large corporations.
Texts are produced
out of institutional and societal processes and struggles and are therefore
products of contestation which shape the practice and output of those
entities implicated in the process of production. In the discursive events
examined in this study so far (BF, PR, WBT) there are clear power asymmetries
resulting from power being vested in the producer (principal) by virtue
of their institutionally established role. In relation to the BTA and
RTBs discourse examined in this study, the power asymmetries between the
producer and the consumer (tourist or local) of any given discursive event
is a result of the encounter between a public institution
and a private individual. The institution has control over the form and
content of any given discursive event, as well as the frequency and distribution
of such events. Power asymmetries are present in all types of discourse
from individual interaction (conversations) to institutional defined discursive
practice where the asymmetries may be associated with the way such institutions
are either empowered or constrained by the meanings carried and values
carried through its discourse and praxis.
In creating a brand for England, the ETC worked closely with
other official and commercial organisations to
ensure a consistent image of England. Traces of the power dynamics operating
within such relationships can be observed in discursive events produced
about such activity ie, the creation of the brand image.
Excerpts from ETC WBT (Table 2) illustrates aspects of the power relationships
between the ETC, a publicly funded organisation, and those private entities
whose remit is to extract surplus capital in the process of production.
The text emphasises the needs and wants of the industry rather than any
institutional vision of the England brand. This may to some
extent reflect the close proximity between the ETC and the industry.
SEGMENT OF TEXT
||England the Brand
||driven by the support and need of the industry
||England the Brand
||consulted widely with the tourism industry
||England the Brand
||the industry wanted an England marque to 'badge'
||England the Brand
||consulted with over 250 key players in the industry
but perhaps less obvious structures of power can be identified in and
through the institutional praxis of the BTA. During an interview for the
current study it was recognised that the BTA had recently identified the
individuality of approach of the RTBs to the production of promotional
material, as an area of concern. Subsequently, the BTA have
sought to provide a template with which they hoped will structure
the output of RTBs. In such contexts, intertextuality, if not discourse
representation is likely to be of significant influence as the subordinate
organisation (in this case the RTB) seeks to function within such regulatory
ideas.Lexical choice in discursive events
Taking Simpsons (1993 :176) definition of ideology as a mosaic
of cultural assumptions, political beliefs and institutional practices,
and assuming that texts conform to this definition, it is
possible to trace the relationship between ideology and OTO through their
discursive events. It is widely accepted that the choice of words in any
discursive event is not arbitrary, but is influenced by the socio-cultural
context within which it is produced. Thus, by examining lexical choice
we can, potentially, reveal the underlying ideological stance of the producer
(individual/institution) of any given discursive event. Lexical choice
in BFs, for example, influence the way heritage attractions
are mediated to the potential tourist. Table 3 provides examples of lexical
choice used to describe the maritime heritage of Bristol and Liverpool.
In this way the lexical choice constructively patterns that of which it
speaks. Difference in expression carry ideological distinctions and thus
differences in representation.The core words (as interpreted by the researcher)
in these phrases foreground the industrious nature of English maritime
history and heritage. The connection between maritime trade and slavery
is contained within a single word darker. The lexical choice
in these phrases can be associated with the ideological position of an
official institution implicated within dominant political
and economic structures, as opposed to that of minority groups
who may make different lexical choices to mediate the social memory of
such phenomenon or events.
SEGMENT OF TEXT
||built its wealth on maritime trading
||a handsome city built on sea trade
||transformed its Albert dock into a concentration
||the Industrial Museum reflects Bristol's darker
Early emerging findings
These preliminary findings, based on exploratory quantitative analysis
and the critical analysis of OTO discursive events, begin to suggest that
there may be a profound mismatch between the reality of England as an
ethno-culturally diverse place, and the representation of England as a
site of consumption for tourists. The analysis conducted to date has provided
useful insights into the projected image of England through tourism. As
is evident from the examination of BTA promotional material carried out
here, there are major issues to be addressed regarding the representation
of ethno-cultural diversity in England through tourism. In representing
regions of England with large ethnically diverse populations (for example
Birmingham and London), the BTA (often in association with RTBs) continues
to privilege representations of the majority ethnic group,
to the almost complete exclusion of the rich ethno-cultural diversity
of these destinations. As alluded to above, tourism is part
of a complex multi-dimensional cultural, economic, historic and social
system, therefore it cannot be severed from broader concerns such as social
justice, social inclusion and equality. The results of the quantitative
analysis of representations of the visible communities highlights
the need for critical examination of the political and institutional structures
and practices responsible for the construction and mediation of England
and Englishness in and through tourism. The indicative findings outlined
in the context setting stage of the study are based on official
categories of ethnicity predicated on contingent attributes,
such as skin colour. Such descriptors of ethnicity, as those adopted in
the 1991 census, are superficial and inadequate in many ways, for example,
while visual representations of individuals in the categories Black,
Chinese South Asian, and White may,
to a large extent, be distinguished from each other, there is the absurd
assumption that these categories (or their sub-categories in the case
of Black, Chinese, and South Asian) represent ethnically homogenous groups.
Nevertheless, for the purposes of contextualisation such categories do
provide relevant data for the analysis of representations of ethno-cultural
diversity in and through the discourse of OTOs.
Textual analysis carried out thus far has provided a number of insights
into the production and distribution of OTO discourse, as well as into
the underlying power structures and relations. The discursive formations
or groups of discursive events emanating from those OTOs included in this
study can be seen as operating to generate consistent meanings of tourism
in England. Thus, the regime of truth (Foucault, 1980: 131)
within these OTOs shapes and reflects the dominant notion of what is significant
in and through tourism in England, and therefore contributes to the ongoing
process of constructing an ideology through which their audiences perceive
reality. In this process OTOs naturalise the dominant representations
of England and Englishness. Within such practices in-groups
harness material and symbolic resources in order to construct the image
of the majority as homogenous a fictitious we-group.
The foregoing analysis of BTA brochures, BTA image resources, travel features,
BTA and RTB press releases and web-based texts provides useful data which
informs the research topic in a number of ways. Briefly these can be summed
up as follows. There has been little disruption of the dominant representation
of England in OTO projections over recent decades. The increasing diversity
of the English populace cannot be easily detected in either the texts
or the images analysed at this stage of the study. In relation to ethno-cultural
diversity, there seems to be numerous absences and silences in the projection
of England in and through tourism, and this re-emphasis the need for critical
analysis of OTOs in England, and of the power structures which sustain
such exclusionary practices. This is the focus of the ongoing study.
Albers, P C and James, W R (1988) 'Travel Photography: A Methodological
Approach'. Annals of Tourism Research, 15: 134-158.
Albers, P C and James, W R (1983) 'Tourism and the changing photographic
image of the great lake Indians', Annals of Tourism Research, 10:
Aspinall, P (2000) 'The challenges of measuring the ethno-cultural diversity
of Britain in the new millennium'. Policy and Politics, 28, 1,
Babbie, E (1995) The Practice of Social Research, Belmont: Wadsworth.
Bhabha, H (1994) The Location of Culture, London: Routledge.
Bond, G C and Gilliam, A (1994) Social Construction of the Past: Representation
as Power, London: Routledge.
Buck, E (1993) Paradise Remade: the Politics of Culture and History
in Hawai, Temple University Press: Philadelphia.
Chong, S M and Miller, M L (2000) Tourism and Power, Annals
of Tourism Research, 27, 2, 371-390.
Cohen, E (1972) Towards a Sociology of International Tourism,
Social Research, 39, 164-182.
Cohen, E (1979) A phenomenology of tourist experiences,
Sociology, 13: 179-201.
Collins, E (1998) The English Nation: the great myth, Gloucestershire,
Colls, R and Dodd, P (1986) Englishness Politics and Culture
1880-1920, Croom Helm: London.
Crick, M (1989) 'Representations of international tourism in the social
sciences', Annual Review of Anthropology, 18, 307-344.
Crompton, J L (1979) An Assessment of the Image of Mexico as a Vacation
Destination and the Influence of geographical Location
upon that Image, Journal of Travel Research, 18, 18-23.
Dann, G M S (1996a) The Language of Tourism: A Sociological Perspective,
CAB International: Oxford.
Dann, G M S (1996b) The People of Tourist Brochures, 61-82
in Selwyn, T (ed.) The Tourist Image, Wiley: Chichester.
Dann, G M S (1992) 'Travelogs and the management of unfamiliarity',
Journal of Travel Research, XXX1, 59-63.
Davey, K (1999) English Imaginaries: Six Studies in Anglo-British Modernity,
Lawrence and Wishart: London.
Denman, S (2001) The Denman Report Race Discrimination in the
Crown Prosecution Service, CPS Publications: London.
Department for Culture, Media and Sport (1999) Tomorrows Tourism:
A growth industry for the new Millennium, DCMS: London.
Duncan, J (1993) Sites of Representation: Place, time and the discourse
of the other, In Duncan, J and Ley, D (ed.)
Place/ Culture/ Representation, Routledge: London.
Duranti, A (1997) Linguistic Anthropology, Cambridge University
Dyke, G (2000) The BBC: Leading Cultural Change for a Rich and Diverse
UK (speech to Race in the Media Awards), Commission
for Racial Equality, 7th April 2000.
Echtner, C (2000) The Representation of the Third Word in Tourism Destination
Marketing, a Ph.D. Thesis submitted to the Faculty
of Graduate Studies, the University of Calgary, Alberta.
Edwards, E (1996) Postcards: Greetings from Another World,
197-222 in Selwyn, T (ed.) The Tourist Image, Wiley: Chichester.
Fairclough, N (1995) Media Discourse, Edward Arnold: London.
Fairclough, N (1992) Discourse and Social Change, Polity Press:
Foucault, M (1980) Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings
1972- 1977, Pantheon Books: New York.
Gergen, K J (1999) An Invitation to Social Construction, Sage:
Gervais, D (1993) Literary Englands Versions of Englishness
in Modern Writing, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.
Gill, R (2000) Discourse Analysis, in Bauer, M W and Gaskell,
G (ed.) Qualitative Researching with Text, Image and Sound, Sage:
Goffman, E (1981) Forms of Talk, Basil Blackwell: Oxford.
Gunn, C (1988) Vacationscape: Designing Tourist Regions, Van Nostrand:
Hall, A (1995) English identity crises as we wave Britannia adieu',
Sunday Telegraph 29th January.
Hall, S (1997) Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying
Practices, Sage: London.
Hall, S (1988) New Ethnicities, in Procter (ed.) Writing
black Britain, Manchester University Press: Manchester, 265-275.
Hallam, E and Street, B V (2000) Cultural Encounters: Representing
otherness, Routledge: London.
Henderson, J (2001) 'Presentations of the Orient: Singapore and UK Tour
Operator Brochures Compared', Tourism, Culture and
Communication, 3, 2, 71-80.
Hickman, M (2000) 'A New England Through Irish Eyes?', in Chen, S. and
Wright, T (ed.) The English Question, Fabian Society: London.
Hollinshead, K (1999) Surveillance of the World of Tourism: Foucault
and the eye-of- power', Tourism Management, 20, 7-23.
Hollinshead, K (1998) 'Tourism, Hybridity, and Ambiguity: The Relevance
of Bhabhas Third Space,' Journal of Leisure
Research, 30, 1, 121-56.
Hollinshead, K (1996a) The tourism researcher as bricoleur. The
new wealth and diversity in qualitative inquiry, Tourism Analysis
1, 1, .67-74.
Hollinshead, K (1996b) Culture and Capillary Power: Texas and the
Quiet Annihilation of the Past, in Robinson, M, et al. Tourism
and Culture: Image, Identity and Marketing, Centre for Travel and
Hollinshead, K (1993) The Truth About Texas. Doctoral Dissertation.
Dept. of Recreation, Park and Tourism Sciences. Texas A&M
University. Texas, USA.
Jackson, P (1992) Constructions of culture, representations of race:
Edward Curtis way of seeing, in Anderson, K and Gale, F
(es.) Inventing Places Studies in Cultural Geography, Longman:
Jaworski, A and Coupland, N (1999) The Discourse Reader, Routledge:
Kidd, C (1999) British Identities Before Nationalism: Ethnicity and
Nationhood in the Atlantic World 1600-1800,
Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.
Kirschenblatt-Gimblett, B (1998) Destination Culture, University
of California Press: Berkeley.
Kotler, P (1994) Marketing Places: Attracting Investment, Industry
and Tourism to Cities, States and Nations, Free Press: Oxford.
Langlands, R (1999) 'Britishness or Englishness? The historical
problem of national identity in Britain', Nations and Nationalism,
5, 1, 53-69.
Lidchi, H (1997) 'The Poetics and Politics of Exhibiting Other Cultures',
In Hall, S (ed.) Representation, /Sage: London.
Long, K S (1997) America under construction: boundaries and identities
in popular culture, Garland Press: New York.
Markwick, M (2001)' Postcards from Malta: Images, Consumption, Context',
Annals of Tourism Research, 28, 417-438.
Mitchell, W (1990) Representation, in Lentricchia, F. and
McLaughlin, T (ed.) Critical Terms for Literacy Study,
University of Chicago Press: Chicago.
Moore, S (1995) Flying the Flag of Convenience, Guardian,
July 20th, 5.
Morgan, N and Pritchard, A (1999a) Tourism Promotion and Power: Creating
Images, Creating Identities, Wiley: Chichester.
Morgan, N and Pritchard, A (1999b) Power and Politics at the Seaside:
The Development of Devons Resorts in the Twentieth
Century, University of Exeter Press: Exeter.
Morgan, N and Pritchard, A (1996) 'Selling the Celtic arc to the USA:
A comparative analysis of the destination brochure images
used in the marketing of Ireland, Scotland and Wales', Journal of Vacation
Marketing, 2, 4, 346-365.
Morgan, N. and Pritchard, A (1995 ) 'Evaluating vacation destination brochure
images: The case of local authorities in Wales', Journal
of Vacation Marketing, 2, 1, 23-28.
Owens, C (1992) Beyond recognition: representation, power and culture,
University of California Press: Berkeley.
Quinn, B (1994) Images of Ireland in Europe, in Kockel, U
(ed.) Culture, Tourism and Development, Liverpool
University Press: Liverpool.
Richter, L K (1995) Gender and Race: Neglected Variables in tourism
research, in Butler, R and Pearce, D (ed.) Change in
Tourism . People, Places, Processes, Routledge: London, 71-91.
Roach, P and Morrison, M (1999)' Pursuing the wind of change: Public library
services in a multicultural Britain', Asian Libraries, 8, 4, 112-117.
Seaton-Watson, H (1979) Nationalism, Nations and Western Politics,
Washington Quarterly, 211, 91-103.
Seaton-Watson, H (1977) Nations and States, Methuen: London.
Selwyn, T (1994) Peter Pan in South-East Asia: a view from the brochures,
in Hitchcock, M et al (ed.) Tourism in South-East Asia, Routledge:
Selwyn, T (1996) The Tourist Image: Myths and Myth Making in Tourism,
Shaw, S and Macleod, N (2000) 'Creativity and Conflict: Cultural Tourism
in Londons City Fringe', Tourism, Culture and
Communication, 2, 3, 165-175.
Silver, I (1993) 'Marketing Authenticity in Third World Countries', Annals
of Tourism Research, 20, 2, 302-318.
Simpson, P (1993) Language, Ideology and Point of View, Routledge:
Sinclair, J and Coulthard, M (1975) Towards an Analysis of Discourse:
The English Used by Teachers and Pupils,Oxford
University Press: Oxford.
Solomos, J (2001) Race, Multi-culturalism and Difference,
in Stevenson, N (ed.) Culture and Citizenship, Sage: London.
Swain, M (2002) 'Gender/ Tourism/ Fun (?): An Introduction', in Swain,
M. and Momsen, J H, Gender /Tourism /Fun (?),
Cognizant: New York.
Titscher, S, Meyer, M, Wodak, R and Vetter, E (2000) Methods of Text
and Discourse Analysis, Sage: London.
Tyrwhitt-Drake, H (1999) 'Resisting the discourse of critical discourse
analysis: Reopening a Hong Kong case study', Journal of
Pragmatics, 31, 1081-1088.
Uzzell, D (1984) 'An Alternative Structuralist Approach to the Psychology
of Tourism Marketing', Annals of Tourism Research, 11, 79-99.
Van Dijk, T (2000) Multidisciplinary CDA: A Plea for Diversity.
Weightman, B (1987) 'Third World Tour Landscapes', Annals of Tourism
Research, 14, 227-239.
Wilson, D (1994) Probably as close as you can get to paradise: tourism
and the changing face of the Seychelle, in Seaton, A (ed.)
Tourism: The State of the Art, Wiley: Chichester.
Wood, I A and Kroger, R O (2000) Doing Discourse Analysis: Methods
for Studying Action in Talk and Text, Sage: London.
Wood, R E (1998) Touristic ethnicity: a brief itinerary, Ethnic
and Racial Studies, 21, 218-241.
Zeppel, H (1999) 'Touring Aboriginal Cultures: Encounters With Aboriginal
Peoples in Australian Travelogues', Tourism, Culture and
Communications, 2, 2, 123-139.